Diego Saavedra Fajardo (Algezares,
Murcia 1594
– Madrid 1648)
We can affirm that
of all the Spanish
emblem books that
make use of the
discursive
emblematic
structure, that of
Diego Saavedra
Fajardo is the one
that best reveals
the preoccupations
of the Hispanic
world of his day,
and the one which
possesses the
greatest degree of
interweaving of the
universality native
to the emblem with
the concrete
historical and
political background
of Spain in the
first half of the
seventeenth century.
This is nothing more
than a reflection of
the personality of
the book’s author,
an indefatigable
traveler to all the
European courts in
the defense of the
interests of a
Monarchy immersed in
endless disputes.
In 1640, when the
first edition of the
Idea de un
príncipe político
cristiano
representada en cien
empresas
appears, the
disintegration of
the Spanish Empire
was a fact made
manifest in the
insurrections of
Catalonia and
Portugal, the
culmination of a
long series of
conflicts which,
following the
ascension to power
of Count-Duke
Olivares,
intensified on all
fronts. The direct,
first-hand knowledge
of the complexities
of political
negotiation, not
always an immaculate
exercise, combined
with a moral
reflection tied to
the values of the
Counter Reformation,
in conjunction with
the distillation of
broad readings,
resulted in a body
of work whose
primary intent is to
orient and instruct
the good ruler.
Of course, Saavedra
Fajardo’s
intellectual
formation was solid.
He studied canonical
law in Salamanca but
his works transcend
to a great degree
the narrow focus of
his studies and
demonstrate a
propensity towards
integrating the
writings of the
spectacular array of
authors of his
generation. On the
other hand, on some
documents his
signature appears as
"chaplain", and he
enjoyed the
ecclesiastical
benefits fitting of
one who had received
minor orders (canon
of Santiago and
later, of Murcia,
for example) but
there is no
documentary evidence
of his ever having
received major
orders.
Quintín Aldea
Vaquero established
a division in
Diego’s biography
accepted by the
majority of
researchers: the
Roman period
(1610-1633) and the
central European
period (1633-1646).
Indeed, around 1610
he traveled to Rome,
doubtless in the
entourage of the
Count of Lemos,
along with writers
of the stature of
Mira de Amescua or
the Argensola
brothers. As
confirmed in a legal
brief by Saavedra
with a 1630 date,
the services
rendered in Italy
were multiple and of
ever-increasing
responsibility,
lasting until 1623
when the King named
"procurador y
solicitador en la
Corte Romana de los
negocios de estos
mis Reinos de
Castilla, de las
Indias y Cruzada"
[Attorney and
solicitor in the
Roman Court of the
business of these my
Kingdoms of
Castille, of the
Indies and the
Crusade]. Thus, his
prestige as a
diplomat grew and he
was assigned to
various delicate
missions (the
conclaves of Gregory
XV and Urban VIII,
"interim" ambassador
in Rome in 1631 –
the moment in which
he crafted some
subtle Noticias
de la Negociación de
Roma – a trip to
Madrid to report on
the jurisdictional
excesses of the
Roman Curate and on
the nunciature of
Madrid, etc.). But
he also earned the
reputation as being
"un poco altivo y
arrojado" [a little
haughty and brash],
and of being
"naturalmente
fogoso" [naturally
spirited], according
to the words of the
Marquis of Castel
Rodrigo, quoted by
Aldea Vaquero.
The second period
began when Saavedra
was sent as the
Spanish
representative
before Duke
Maximilian of
Bavaria, deeply
immersed in the
conflict of the
Thirty Years’ War,
with the urgent
mission of trying to
suture the split of
the imperial league
in the face of the
French, the Dutch
and the Swedish; a
rupture considered
especially severe
after the Treaty of
Fontainebleau, in
which Catholic
Maximilian had
allied himself, with
nefarious personal
consequences, with
the French. Saavedra
was totally
successful in his
goal of
reintegrating into a
harmonious cause the
Habsburg interests
and those of
Maximilian, and from
that point on he
participated in a
multitude of minor
negotiations
appropriate to those
turbulent years,
including
preparations for the
famous battle of
Nördlingen (1634).
For all of these
efforts Saavedra
received the
continuous and
effusive praise of
Olivares, who also
bestowed upon him
the extremely
elevated position of
plenipotentiary in
the imperial Diet of
Ratisbon and, almost
simultaneously, the
title of knight of
the Order of
Santiago. (1640).
This places us in
the same year in
which he needed to
carve out time to
correct the proofs
of the Empresas
políticas and
one therefore
comprehend the scope
of that definition
of "naturally
spirited" in his
ability to carry out
such complicated
tasks and to find
occasion, as well,
to take up the pen
"in the laborious
leisure of my
continuous trips
through Germany and
other provinces,
[and concluding] in
the roadside inns
what I had meditated
upon along the
road", as he says in
the prologue. A work
written in this
manner, then, was
not born of a desire
to rest from the
fatigues deriving
from his
preoccupations, but
rather in order to
delve deeper into
theoretical
political and moral
principles and to
expound upon his own
experiences in a
format that was
attractive,
persuasive and from
a literary point of
view, exceptional.
There was still one
link remaining in
the chain of merits
and honors that
marked the life of
Saavedra Fajardo,
his designation as
plenipotentiary for
the Peace of
Westphalia. It
occurred in 1643 and
the final signature
on the treaty, in
1648, coincided with
his death. These
final years were
personally harsh
because illness took
its toll on him and
because he bore
witness to the
irreparable
dissolution of
Spanish hegemony. It
is easy to project
upon Diego, in these
final years, the
symbol of the
decadence of the
house of Austria and
of ancient values,
prostrate before the
rise of a new Europe
emerging alongside
Spain. He died on
August 24th, 1648 in
Madrid.
Idea de un príncipe
político cristiano
representada en cien
empresas
In addition to its
purpose as a mirror
of princes mentioned
previously, and that
the discourse of the
life of the ruler
should be a constant
thread – relatively
– throughout the
different stages of
his life, Saavedra’s
book displays a
central gravity in
the theme of the
reason of State.
Saavedra presented
to Olivares in 1631
a manuscript with
the explicit title
of Introducciones
a la Política y
Razón de Estado del
Rey Católico Don
Fernando
[Introduction to the
Politics and Reason
of State of the
Catholic King Don
Fernando], the first
draft of what would
later become the
Empresas políticas.
Beginning,
fundamentally, with
the answer to
Machiavelli penned
by the Jesuit
Giovanni Botero (Della
ragion di Estato
libri dieci…,
1589, translated
into Spanish by
Antonio de Herrera,
1593) a lively
dialogue was
initiated in Spain
on the limits and
dividing lines
between politics
understood as the
technique of
maintaining and
extending power, and
the Christian moral
tradition tied,
generally, to a
providential idea of
state. Some notable
landmarks in this
debate appeared
throughout Diego’s
life, such as the
works of Pedro de
Rivadeneyra (Tratado
de la Religión y
virtudes que debe
tener el príncipe
cristiano,
1595), Juan de
Mariana (De rege
et de regis
institutione,
1599) or Juan
Eusebio Nieremberg (Maquiavelismo
degollado,
1637), and let us
not forget the
Política de Dios
(1626 and 1655) by
Quevedo nor the
dissemination of
these ideas in some
texts by Gracián (El
Héroe, El Político,
the Oráculo
manual). They
are works which,
like those of
Saavedra, bring
together
recommendations on
the virtues that
should adorn the
ruler with
theoretical
political reflection
seasoned with
examples and
historical dicta
et facta. But,
as Sagrario López
Poza has indicated
in her edition of
the Empresas
políticas, we
must mention as a
profound source of
his ideas –
especially the
neostoic ideas, but
also a similar
utilization of
history and a shared
civil ethics – the
Belgian Jesuit
Justus Lipsius in
his Politicorum
sive civilis
doctrina libri sex
(1589, with a
Spanish translation
by Bernardino de
Mendoza, 1604).
Saavedra tries to
distinguish, as did
the previously
mentioned Pedro de
Rivadeneyra, between
good and bad reason
of state. In the
final analysis, in
the words of
Sagrario López Poza,
"reality inclines
him towards an
anthropological
pessimism; the
prince must be
warned of the many
tricks and vileness
that other rulers
can use with him so
that he can avoid
them; at the same
time, he must
exercise politics
based on Christian
virtues." The
problem to be
resolved is that
Christian virtues do
not harmonize easily
with political
exigencies such as
lying, hypocrisy,
dissimulation and
the whole game of
"contratretas" [counter
tricks], to use
a word dear to
Gracián, which the
good ruler must
accept in his
practical activity.
Thus, based on the
saying "qui nescit
dissimulare, nescit
regnare" of Louis XI
of France, Saavedra
constructs his
impresa 43: "Ut
sciat regnare" and
dedicates quite a
few pages – in this
and other imprese –
to a delicate
weaving on such
issues.
The choice of the
emblematic mode is
also revealing, for
it allows the
author, among other
things, to elaborate
each impresa like a
small essay that is
quite autonomous in
relation to the
others. Indeed,
beginning with
impresa 44 the
logical order of the
education of the
prince is abandoned
in order to offer
advice of a
political nature.
Saavedra was well
aware that he had
constructed a book
that was hardly
organic in its
presentation, and he
tried to correct
this in the second
edition, regrouping
the imprese,
dividing the
material in eight
broad sections and
adding at the
beginning an index
which is at the same
time a summary or
guide to be read
quickly as well as a
clarification of the
meaning of the
whole. This is all
evidence of writing
carried out in a
fragmentary fashion,
without any
intention of
constructing a
unified treatise
outside of the
external device of
dedicating the first
impresa to the
recently born prince
and the final one to
his death.
The choice of the
emblematic form in
Saavedra corresponds
above all, as he
affirms in the
dedication, to a
didactic purpose,
where the play
between the
pictura, motto
and commentary
(discourse,
according to his own
terminology) is
joined with mnemonic
ends, following to
some extent the
recommendation of
Erasmus that, in
order to teach the
maxims to the
prince, one must
"traérselas a la
memoria con ahínco,
ora con una
sentencia, ora con
una anécdota, ora
con un símil, ora
con un ejemplo, ora
con un apotegma, ora
con un proverbio"
["present them to
the memory intently,
at times with a
sentence, at times
with a simile, at
times with an
example, at times
with an apothegm, at
times with a
proverb"] (Educación
del príncipe
cristiano).
In order to fashion
his essays, Saavedra
resorts to an
impressive
first-hand erudition
that rarely gives
the impression of
being gratuitous or
ostentatious, but
rather of being
pertinent to support
his argument and an
appropriate
adornment of his
ideas. Likewise, the
erudition tends to
be explicit, with
identification of
the quotes, which
once again
demonstrates his
didactical
inclination.
The second edition of the
Empresas increases the biblical references – in this case it is
true that at times the quotes are inserted with some randomness – in
an attempt to draw as near as possible to Catholic orthodoxy. Among
the classical authors, the most frequently cited is Tacitus, a
historian who was abundantly utilized due to a certain ambiguous
anti-Machiavellianism by offering himself as a theoretician of a
"reason of state" that could be opposed to that of the Florence
native, besides being a reading of Saavedra mediated by the
influence of Justus Lipsius. At the same time that the number of
biblical quotes increases, there is a certain suppression of the
Roman historian in the second edition. In any event, half of the
quotes in the Empresas políticas proceed from the works of
classical or contemporary historians. The Politics of
Aristotle also weigh quite heavily on Saavedra’s book; he is
followed by Seneca – also closely linked to Saavedra through Lipsian
neostoicism. But he rejects the utilization of mythology, which is
present only in those exempla that are extremely commonplace and
sanctioned by tradition.
The first editions
The editio
princeps of this
work appeared in
Munich in 1640, from
the presses of
Nicolao Enrico.
Besides the 100
imprese of the
title, it presents
two engravings that
could also figure in
the count: one
before the prologue
and the other
preceding the
epigram that closes
the book. The second
edition features 101
imprese, but that
did not result in a
change in the title.
It is important to
point out that the
great haste with
which the first
edition was printed
made Saavedra
uncomfortable with
it, and within three
months he ordered
the publication of
half a sheet of
errata to be added
to the remaining
unbound; he
proceeded almost
immediately to the
preparation of the
second edition,
which appeared in
Milan in 1642.
Sagrario López Poza
has carefully
studied the process
of this evolution
from the first
edition to the
second, the
definitive one from
which the author
finally derived
satisfaction. We
reproduce here in
English translation
some passages from
the conclusions of
the author in the
"Introduction" to
her excellent
edition:
The new edition
undertaken in 1642,
this time in Milan,
in fact corrects the
errata discovered in
the first, following
closely the list of
misprints that
Saavedra had
included in the
Munich edition, but
at the same time he
expanded the work
substantially and
added aspects that
were glaringly
different from the
princeps,
which if in fact
suffered from a
certain
organizational
disorder, at the
same time it offered
a text that was more
spontaneous and
fresh, less burdened
with bookish
erudition. This
would seem to
corroborate that
with the
distribution of the
first edition
(probably not
totally carried out)
Saavedra was not
only bothered by the
errata, but also by
aspects of a
different nature,
perhaps stylistic,
but above all
ideological, which
he felt the need to
modify. The first
edition had carried
the tacitist touches
too far, which could
possibly be
associated by some
with Machiavellians,
and it also heaped
praise upon
Count-Duke Olivares,
doubtless composed
at a time in which
his prestige was not
so much in question.
In all likelihood,
somebody of great
influence at court
found a way to have
weighty reprimands
delivered to
Saavedra that
prompted him to
undertake a revision
of the entire work
and introduce
substantial changes.
In this new version
he polished the
style of some
paragraphs, at times
so lengthy that they
occupy several
pages, he eliminated
89 textual quotes
from Tacitus
(although some
remained in the new
text, camouflaged in
distilled fashion in
the words of
Saavedra, without
attribution of their
source) and he
eliminated passages
with potentially
dangerous political
commentaries
(especially those
relating to
Count-Duke
Olivares), he added
475 quotes and
exempla proceeding
from the Bible (the
72 biblical
quotations of the
first edition become
547 in the second)
and he introduced a
new grouping of the
imprese according to
a structure arranged
in eight thematic
sections, resulting
in a change in the
order of the imprese
followed in the
first edition.
Besides all this,
there were also
substantial changes
made in the
picturae. (pp.
92-93)
The engravings
There is general
agreement in that
the engravings of
the first edition
were executed,
utilizing the
technique of talla
dulce (sweet
carving), in the
famous Munich press
of the Sadelers,
presided over at
that time by
Johannes Sadeler.
The second edition
was done in Milan,
and the set of
engravings, done
with the same
technique, was
changed, in favor of
a set of
illustrations of a
smaller size, with
more Baroque
characteristics, and
perhaps with less
communicative
efficacy. Some of
these plates (4, 14,
23, 40, 60, 66, 67
and 99) bear the
signature of
Cristoforo Bianchi,
but it is hardly
certain that he is
the author of all
the rest. In this
second edition two
new imprese are
added, numbers 5 and
14, while numbers 95
and 96 of the first
edition are recast
as a single impresa
with a new pictura
and motto.
Continuing with the
words of López Poza
in English
translation:
"Likewise there is a
change in motifs and
mottoes in the
former numbers 5,
19, 21, 38, 51 and
74, which correspond
to the new imprese
6, 21, 23, 40, 66
and 99. The new 101,
which corresponds to
the former 100,
changes the image
somewhat and
introduces a new
motto. In number 4,
which retains the
same number in the
second edition, the
motif of the pictura
is changed, but the
lemma is maintained,
as is the case with
the modern numbers
18 and 57 (the
former 16 and 68),
although some
elements of the
pictura are slightly
varied. The motto is
changed, but with
the image unaltered
in those imprese
that were numbered
6, 8, 12, 62, 69 and
86 in the editio
princeps, which in
the second edition
become: 7, 9, 13
(with a slight
modification in the
motif), 62, 66, 54
and 87. The
justification for
these changes is not
very clear. However,
we can perceive a
deliberate desire to
eliminate the
mythological motifs
from the picturae,
clearly the case for
the new imprese
numbered 6, 40, 96
and 99" (pp. 96-97).
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Here we present Emblem 45 (Non maiestate securus – Not safe
in his majesty) of Saavedra's Idea de un príncipe político
cristiano, in the editions of Milan 1642 (editio
optima), Venice 1548 (Italian), Brussels 1649 (Latin), Amsterdam
1668 (French) and London 1700 (English):
Milán 1642 (editio optima):
El Leon (cuerpo desta emblema) fue entre los Egipcios simbolo de la
vigilancia, como son los que se ponen en los frontespicios, i
puertas de los templos. Por esto se hizo esculpir Alexandro Magno en
las monedas con vna piel de Leon en la cabeza, significando, que en
el no era menor el cuidado, que el valor, pues quando convenia, no
gastar mucho tiempo en el sueño, dormia tendido el brazo fuera de la
cama con vna bola de plata en la mano, que en durmiendose, le
despertase, cayendo sobre vna vacia de bronze. No fuera Señor del
Mundo, si se durmiera, i descuidara, porque no a de dormir
profundamente, quien cuida del govierno de muchos.
Non decet ignavum tota producere somnum
Nocte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cujus
Tot populi degunt, cui rerum cura, fidesque
Credita summarum. (Homer)
Como el Leon se reconoze Rei de los animales, ò duerme poco, ò si
duerme, tiene aviertos los ojos. No fia tanto de su Imperio, ni se
asegura tanto de su Magestad, que no le parezca necessario, fingirse
despierto, quando esta dormido. Fuerza es, que se entreguen los
sentidos al reposo, pero conviene, que se piense de los Reyes, que
siempre estan velando. Vn Rei dormido en nada se diferencia de los
demas hombres. Aun esta pasion à de encubrir a sus Vasallos, i a sus
Enemigos. Duerma, pero crean, que esta despierto. No se prometa
tanto de su grandeza, i poder, que cierre los ojos al cuidado.
Astucia, i disimulacion es en el Leon el dormir con los ojos
aviertos, pero no intencion de engañar, sino de disimular la
enagenacion de sus sentidos, i si se engañare, quien le armava
acechanzas, pensando hallarle dormido, i creyere, que està
despierto, suyo sera el engaño, no del Leon, ni indigna esta
prevencion de su corazon magnanimo, como ni tampoco aquella
advertencia de borrar con la cola las heullas para desmentillas al
Cazador. No ai fortaleza segura, si no esta vigilante el recato. El
mayor Monarcha con mayor cuidado a de coronar su frente no con la
candidez de las palomas sencillas, sino con la prudencia de las
recatadas serpientes, porque no de otra suerte, que quando se
presenta en la campaña el Leon, se retiran de sus contiendas los
animales deponiendo sus enemistades naturales, i coligados entre si,
se conjuran contra el, asi todos se arman, i ponen azechanzas al mas
Poderoso.
Venice 1648 (Italian):
IL Leone (corpo di quest’Impresa) fù trà gli Egitij simbolo della
vigilanza, come sono quelli che si pongono ne’Frontispitij, e porte
de’Tempij. Perciò si fece scolpire Alessandro Magno nelle monete con
vna pella di Leone in capo, significando ch’era in lui non minore la
cura che il valore, poiche quando conueniua non spendere molto tempo
nel sonno, dormiua steso il braccio fuori del letto con vna ampolla
d’argento nella mano, quale dormendosi, lo destasse cadendo sopra vn
concauo di bronzo. Non sarebbe stato Signore del Mondo, se
addormentato, e trascurato si fosse, perche non deue profondamente
dormire, chi hà cura del gouerno di molti.
Non decet ignauiam tota producere fortem
Nocte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cuius
Tot populi degunt, cui rerum cura fidesque
Credita summarum.
Come il Leone si conosce Rè degli animali, ò dorme poco, ouero se
dorme tiene aperti gli occhi. Non fida tanto nel suo Imperio, nè
tanto s’assicura della sua Maestà, che non gli paia necessario
fingersi desto, quando stà dormendo. È forza, che si diano i
sentimenti al riposo, ma conuiene che de i Rè si pensi, che stiano
sempre vegliando. Vn Rè addormentato in niuna cosa è dagli altri
huomini differente. Anco questa passione deue coprire à i suoi
Vassalli, ed à i suoi Nemici. Dorma; credono però che sia desto. Non
si prometta tanto della sua grandezza, e potere che chiuda gli occhi
alle cure. Astutia, e dissimulatione è nel Leone il dormire con gli
occhi aperti, ma non intentione d’ingannare, ben sì dissimulare
l’alienatione de’suoi sensi, e se s’ingannerà chi gli armaua
assedij, pensando trouarlo addormentato, e vederà che sia desto,
sarà l’inganno suo, non del Leone; nè questa preuentione è indegna
del suo cuore, come nè tampoco, quell’auuertenza di cancellare con
la coda le orme, per negarle al Cacciatore. Non v’è sicura fortezza,
se vigilante non stà la prudenza. Il maggior Monarca deue con
maggior cura coronare la sua fronte, non con la candidezza delle
semplici colombe, ma con la prudenza de’cauti serpenti; perche non
altrimenti che quando si presenta nella campagna il Leone, si
ritirano dalle sue contese gli animali, deponendo le sue naturale
inimistadi; e collegati frà sè, contro di lui si congiurano, quasi
tutti si armano, e pongono al più Potente assedio.
Brussels 1649 (Latin):
LEO (figura praesentis Emblematis) apud Aegyptios vigilantiae fuit
Symbolum, quales sunt, qui in frontispiciis & portis templorum
collocari solent. Atque hinc Alexander Magnus in monetis effingi
voluit cum pelle leoninâ in capite, ut significaret non minùs curâ
se pollere, ac robore: quippe qui (si quando parciori somno utendum
esset) dormire consueverat, brachio extra lectum porrecto, & globum
argenteum manu tenens; ut si fòrs arctiùs indormiret, ille in
subjectam pelvim aeneam delapsus, tinnitu suo eum mox rursum
excitaret. Nunquam sanè orbem suo subjecisset imperio, si quieti &
somno solùm indulgens, rerum omnium curam abs se abdicâsset: neque
enim altùm debet stertere, qui multorum regendorum gubernacula
suscepit.
Non decet ignavum totâ producere somnum
Nocte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cujus
Tot populi degunt, cui rerum cura, fidesque
Credita summarum. (Homer)
Leo igitur, cum animantium Regem se esse sciat, aut parum dormit,
aut si dormit, nimiùm apertos servat oculos. Non tantum suo confidit
imperio, nec de suâ majestate tantoperè securus est, ut necessarium
non arbitretur, vigilantem se fingere, etiam dum somnum capit. Opus
est equidem, ut sensibus sua quandoque quies concedatur; expedit
interim sic opinari de Regibus, quòd semper excubent. Rex somno
deditus nec hilum ab aliis differt hominibus. Etiam hanc ipsam
passionem subditos suos, ac hostes, quantum potest, celare debet.
Dormiat, modò vigilare eum credant alii. Ne sibi tantum de dignitate
suâ & potentiâ polliceatur, ut curae ac solicitudini claudat oculos.
Astutia est, & dissimulatio in leone, oculis apertis quietem capere,
non tamen fallendi studio, sed dissimulandi solùm consopitos sensus;
& si quis fortè insidias illi struens deciperetur, existimando
vigilem esse, quem dormientem offendere cogitabat, ipse sibi erroris
caussa est, non leo: nec indigna haec praeventio magnanimo ejus
pectore, uti nec astutia illa, quando caudâ obducit pedum vestigia,
ad fallendos venatores. Nulla ars, castrúmve satìs munitum est, nisi
solertia excubet. Major Monarcha majori cum curâ frontem suam
coronare debet, non candore sincerarum columbarum, sed prudentiâ
astutorum serpentium: neque enim aliàs, quàm quando Leo in arenam
prodit, ferae caeterae suas ponunt inimicitias naturales, &
depugnare inter se desinunt; quin jam communi concensione conspirant
omnes contra illum, armant sese, & tanquam fortiori moliuntur
insidias.
Amsterdam 1668 (French):
La Majesté ne luy suffit pas.
LE Lyon a esté autrefois le symbole de la vigilance chez les
Egyptiens, & il en est encore de mesme auiourd'huy de ceux qu'on a
coustume de mettre au frontispice & sur les portes des Temples;
c'est pour ce sujet qu'Alexandre se fit graver sur les Monnoyes de
son temps, avec une peau de Lyon sur la teste, comme pour donner à
entendre que le soin n'estoit pas moindre en luy que la valeur, puis
qu'en effet, lors qu'il n'avoit pas le temps de dormir beaucoup il
se couchoit le bras estendu hors du lit, tenant en sa main une
boulle d'argent, qui l'éveillant au plus profond de son sommeil, en
tombant dans un bassin de bronze preparé pour cét effet: il n'auroit
pas esté maistre de tout le monde, s'il eust pris trop de plaisir à
dormir; car enfin il ne faut pas que ceux qui gouvernent les autres,
dorment avec excés. †
Comme le Lyon se reconnoist Roy des Animaux, il dort peu, ou dort
les yeux ouverts; il ne se fie pas tant sur son Empire, & sur sa
Majesté, qu'il ne luy semble encore necessaire de feindre d'estre
éveillé lors mesme qu'il est endormy. L'on sçait bien que les sens
ont besoin de repos; mais il faut faire en sorte autant qu'il se
peut que les Peuples ayent cette pensée de leurs Rois, qu'ils
veillent incessamment; Un Roy ne differe aucunement des autres
hommes dans le sommeil; C'est une passion qu'il doit mesme cacher à
ses Sujets & à ses Ennemis; Qu'il dorme tant qu'il voudra, pourveu
qu'on croye qu'il veille, qu'il ne se repose point tant sur sa
grandeur & sur son pouvoir, que de se laisser aller à fermer les
yeux à la vigilance & au soin; C'est une astuce & une feinte au Lyon
que de dormir les yeux ouverts, non que son dessein soit de tromper,
mais seulement de dissimuler l'alienation de ses sens; & si par
cette feinte, ceux qui luy voudroyent dresser des embûches se
trouvent trompez, le trouvant éveillé lors qu'ils le croyoyent
endormy; cette tromperie n'est pas à l'égard du Lyon, mais au leur
seulement, & pareille precaution n'est aucunement indigne de son
genereux courage, non plus que la prudence qu'il a d'effacer ses
vestiges avec sa queuë, pour les cacher aux chasseurs. Il n'y a
point de forteresse asseuré, si la vigilance n'y fait la garde; Plus
un Monarque est grand, plus il doit couronner avec soin la dignité
de son front, non de la candeur des simples Colombes, mais de la
prudence des serpens avisez; car tout ainsi que quand le Lyon se
prepare au combat, tous les autres animaux reservant à une autre
fois leur particuliere querelle, se bandent unanimément contre luy;
de mesme parmy les hommes tous s'arment & conspirent contre le plus
puissant.
† Non decet ignavum tota producere somnum
Nocte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cujus
Tot populi degunt, cui rerum cura, fidesque
Credita summarum;
London 1700 (English):
THE Lion, the body of this devise, was among the Aegyptians the
Emblem of Vigilance, and us’d to be set in the Frontispieces and
Porches of their Temples. Hence Alexander the Great was engraven
upon his Coin with a Lion’s skin upon his head, to intimate that he
was not less carefull and vigilant than valiant; for if at any time
affairs requir’d that he should not spend much time in sleep, he was
us’d to lie with his arm out of bed, holding a Silver ball in his
hand, that if he should fall asleep, that falling into a brass Bason
set underneath for that purpose, might waken him. He had never
conquer’d the world, had he been sleepy and lazy, he ought not to
snore away his time, who has the Government of People committed to
him. †
Thus the Lion knowing himself to be King of Beasts, sleeps but
little, or if he does, ’tis with his Eyes open: he does not confide
so much in his Empire, nor relie so much on his Majesty, as not to
think it necessary to seem to be awake even while he sleeps. The
Senses do indeed require rest sometimes, but even then ’tis
necessary Princes should be thought to be awake. A sleeping King
differs not from another man: This Passion he ought to conceal from
Friends as well as Enemies; he may sleep, provided others think him
waking. Let him not depend so much upon his Authority and Power, as
to shut his Eyes to Care and Circumspection. ‘Tis a cunning
Dissimulation in the Lion to sleep with his Eyes open, not with a
design to deceive, but only to hide his sleepiness. And if any one
designing against him be deceiv’d, finding him awake whom he thought
he had seen sleeping, ‘tis his own fault not the Lion’s. nor is this
pretence below the greatness of his Mind, no more than that other
piece of cunning, of smoothing over the Tract of his feet with his
Tail to deceive the Huntsmen. There is no Fortress secure unless
guarded by Vigilance. The greater the Prince is, the greater care he
ought to be crown’d with, not with the Sincerity of innocent Doves,
but the prudence of subtle Serpents. For as when the Lion enters the
Field, the other Beasts lay aside their natural Enmity, and give
over fighting, and with joint force combine against him, so among
men all arm and unite against the strongest.
† Non decet ignavum tota producere somnum
Nocte virum, sub consilio, sub nomine cujus
Tot populi degunt, cui rerum cura, fidesque
Credita summarum;
History of editions of the
Idea de un príncipe político
cristiano
Principal editions in Spanish
[We have selected those which,
in our judgement, are the most
relevant ones]
• Idea de un Príncipe Político
Christiano representada en cien
empresas, en Mónaco, en la
emprenta de Nicolao Enrico, a 1
de Marzo
1640
• Idea de un Príncipe Político
Christiano rapresentada [sic] en
cien empresas, en Mónaco a 1 de
Marzo 1640. En Milán a 20 de
Abril
1642
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia: Gerónimo
Vilagrasa,
1655
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Amberes: Ierónimo y
Iuan Bapt. Verdussen,
1655
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia, herederos de
Christos Garriz,
1656
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Amsterdam: Ioh.
Ianssonius Iunior,
1659
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia: Juan Lorenzo
Cabrera,
1664
• Idea de un príncipe político
cristiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia: Jerónimo
Villagrasa,
1665
• Idea de un príncipe político
cristiano representada en cien
empresas, Madrid: Andrés García
de la Iglesia,
1666
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia: Francisco
Ciprés,
1675
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Amsterdam: Janssonium,
1684
• Idea de un príncipe político
christiano representada en cien
empresas, Valencia: Vicente
Cabrera,
1695
• Idea de un Príncipe Político
Christiano, en Valencia, en la
Imprenta de Salvador Faulí,
1786, 2 vols.
• Obras de don Diego de Saavedra
Faxardo…, Amberes: Juan Bautista
Verdussen,
1677-1678.
Es un volumen que contiene,
además de la Idea…, La república
literaria de Saavedra.
• Obras de don Diego…, Amberes:
Juan Bautista Verdussen,
1678-1681.
El vol. I contiene, además de la
Idea…, La república literaria de
Saavedra, con paginación propia
• Obras completas, Madrid,
Benito Cano,
1789
• Idea de un príncipe
político-christiano, en
Valencia, en la oficina de
Salvador Faulí,
1800-1801, 2
vols.
• Obras, Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra,
1853 (reed. en
1861 y
1947).
Biblioteca de Autores Españoles,
nº 25.
• Idea de un príncipe
político-christiano representada
en cien empresas, Madrid:
Espasa-Calpe,
1958, 4 vols. Ed.
de Vicente García de Diego.
• Obras completas, Madrid:
Aguilar,
1946. Ed. de Ángel
González Palencia.
• Empresas políticas, Samanca:
Anaya, 1972. Ed. y selección de
Manuel Fraga Iribarne.
• Empresas políticas. Idea de un
príncipe político-cristiano,
Madrid: Editora Nacional,
1976,
2 vols. Ed. de Quintín Aldea
Vaquero.
• Idea de un príncipe
político-christiano representada
en cien empresas. Murcia: Real
Academia Alfonso X el Sabio,
1985 (reimpr.
1994). Ed.
facsímil de Milán, 1642.
• Empresas políticas, Barcelona:
Planeta,
1988. Ed. de Francisco
Javier Díez de Revenga.
• Empresas políticas, Madrid:
Cátedra,
1999. Ed. de Sagrario
López Poza.
We believe that it will be
useful for researchers to
include here Pedro Campa’s note
on the editions of Saavedra
Fajardo (Emblemata Hispanica.
An Annotated Bibliography of
Spanish Emblem Literature to the
Year 1700, Durham-London:
Duke University Press, 1990, pp.
84-5.):
The editions of Saavedra
Fajardo’s Empresas políticas
in Spanish fall into three
recognizable families with a
common prototype, the Milan 1642
edition. In 1655 the first two
families emerge. The Verdussen
editions of Antwerp that
culminate with the set of
complete works of Saavedra
Fajardo in 1681 constitute one
family. The other family is
formed by the Valencian editions
of Villagrasa, the heirs of
Garriz, Ciprés, and Mateo
Cabrera. The two Madrid
editions, which can be
considered as part of a
sub-family, are based on the
Valencia 1660 edition of Garriz.
The third family is represented
by the 12mo (pocket editions) of
Amsterdam, probably based in the
Antwerp 1655 edition of
Verdussen.
Garriz calls his (Valencia) 1656
edition, since he counts all
previous editions, "a corrected
fourth edition which emends all
the mistakes contained in the
others." In 1665 Villagrasa
calls his edition of Valencia "a
corrected third printing which
emends all mistakes contained in
the others." Francisco Ciprés
published in 1675 the last of
the carefully produced Valencian
editions which he calls, as he
counts his own as well as other
Valencian editions, a "sixth
printing which emends all the
mistakes contained in the
others" The two Mateo Cabrera
editions (Valencia 1664 and
Valencia 1695) are the most
crudely produced items of the
Valencian family. The Verdussen
editions of Antwerp were
produced with great care; the
one contained in the complete
works of Saavedra Fajardo
(1678-81) evokes the quality of
the printing and the beauty of
the engravings found in the
Munich edition of 1640 (pp.
84-5).
Principal translations
Italian:
• Di D. Diego Saavedra
Fachardo. Rappresentata con
bellissime imprese, quali
dimostrano il vero esser
politico, con esempi historici,
e discorsi morali. Dall’ultima,
e più copiosa editione hora
trasportata dalla lingua
spagnuola, dal signor dottor
Paris Cerchieri, Venice: Marco
Garzoni,
1648
• L’idea di un principe politico
christiano rappresentata con
bellisime imprese… trasportata
dalla lingua spagnuola, dal…
Paris Cerchieri. Venice:
1654
• L’idea del prencipe politico
christiano. Di. D. Diego
Saavedra Fachardo. Rappresentata
con bellissime imprese, quali
dimostrano il vero esser
politico, con esempi historici,
e discorsi morali. Dall’ultima,
e più copiosa editione hora
trasportata dalla lingua
spagnuola, dal sig. dottor
Giovanni Pesaro. Dell’scoll mo
sig. Leonardo. Venice: Nicolò
Pezzana,
1678
• L’idea del principe politico
christiano, di. D. Diego
Saavedra Fachardo. Rappresentata
con bellissime impresse, quali
dimostrano il vero esser
politico, con esempi historici,
e discorsi morali. Dall’ultima,
e più copiosa editione hora
trasportata dalla lingua
spagnuola, dal sig. Dottor Paris
Cerchiari. Venice: N. Pezzana,
1684
Latin:
• Idea principis
christiano-politici, centum
symbolis expressa, a Didaco
Saavedra Faxardo, Brussels:
Iannes Mommaritius suis et
Francisci Viviendi sumptibus,
1649
• Idea Principis Christiano
Politici 100 Symbolis expressa…,
Cologne: Constantinum Munich,
1650
• Idea principis
christiano-politici 100 symbolis
expressa a Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Amsterdam: Ioh.
Ianssonius iunior,
1651
• Idea principis
christiano-politici 100 symbolis
expressa a Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Amsterdam: I. Van
Meurs,
1651
• Idea principis
christiano-politici 101 symbolis
expressa a. Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Amsterdam: Ioh.
Ianssonius iunior,
1658
• Idea principis
christiano-politici 101 symbolis
expressa a Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Amsterdam, Ioh.
Ianssonius iunior,
1659
• Idea principis
christiano-politici 101 symbolis
expressa a. Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Amsterdam: J. J.
Schipper,
1659
• Idea principis
christiano-politici symbolis CI.
expressa à Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Ab innumeris priorem
editionum mendis expurgata.
Amsterdam: I, Blaev,
1660
• Idea principis
christiano-politici symbolis CI.
expressa à Didaco Saavedra
Faxardo… Paris: Fridericum
Leonardum,
1660
• Idea principis
christiano-politici centum
symbolis expressa a Didaco
Saavedra Faxardo… Editio
novissima, à mendis accuratè
expurgata. Cologne: J. C.
Münich,
1669
• Idea principis
Christiano-politici centum
symbolis. Ed. noviss. Expurgata.
Jena, 1686 (También con un
frontispicio grabado con el pie
de imprenta: «Francofurti et
Lipsiae»).
• Didaci Saavedrae Faxardo eq.
idea principis
Christiano-politici, centum
symbolis expressa. Editio omnium
locupletissima. Pestini, Prostat
ap. Jo. Gerardum Mauss,
1748
German:
• Ein Abriss eines
Christlich-Politischen Prinzens
In CI. Sinnbildern und
mercklichen Symbolischen
Sprüchen, Amsterdam: Johan
Janssonio, dem Jungerem,
1655
Dutch:
• Christelijke Staets-Vorst
in-Modert sin Spreken afgebeed,
Amsterdam: Jan Jacobsz Schipper
en Borrit Janzs Smit,
1662
French:
• Le prince chrestien et
politique; tr. de l’espagnol…
par I. Rov… Paris: Compagnie des
libraires du Palais,
1668. 2
vols.
• Le prince chrestien et
politique; tr. de l’espagnol…
par I. Rov… Suivant la copie à
Paris, Par la Compagnie des
libraires du Palais, 1668. (En
el frontispicio se lee: «A
Amsterdam, Chez Jean Schipper,
1670»).
English:
• The Royal Politician
Represented in One Hundred
Emblems. Written in Spanish by
Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo ….
With a Large Preface, Containing
an Account of the Author, his
Works, and the Usefulness
Thereof. Done into English from
the Original. By Sir Ja. Astry.
Londres: M. Gylliflower and L.
Meredith,
1700. Trad. de Sir
James Astry. |